¥ 2,982
  • 参考価格: ¥ 3,115
  • OFF: ¥ 133 (4%)
通常配送無料 詳細
通常1~4週間以内に発送します。 在庫状況について
この商品は、Amazon.co.jp が販売、発送します。 ギフトラッピングを利用できます。

お届け先住所
アドレス帳を使用するにはサインインしてください
または
-
正しい郵便番号を入力してください。
または
この商品をお持ちですか? マーケットプレイスに出品する
裏表紙を表示 表紙を表示
サンプルを聴く 再生中... 一時停止   Audible オーディオエディションのサンプルをお聴きいただいています。
2点すべてのイメージを見る

After War: The Political Economy of Exporting Democracy (英語) ペーパーバック – 2007/11/7


その他(3)の形式およびエディションを表示する 他のフォーマットおよびエディションを非表示にする
Amazon 価格
新品 中古品
Kindle版
"もう一度試してください。"
ハードカバー
"もう一度試してください。"
¥ 9,634 ¥ 9,988
ペーパーバック
"もう一度試してください。"
¥ 2,982
¥ 2,404 ¥ 3,280
click to open popover

キャンペーンおよび追加情報

Kindle 端末は必要ありません。無料 Kindle アプリのいずれかをダウンロードすると、スマートフォン、タブレットPCで Kindle 本をお読みいただけます。

  • Apple
  • Android
  • Android

無料アプリを入手するには、Eメールアドレスを入力してください。


商品の説明

内容紹介

Why does liberal democracy take hold in some countries but not in others? Why do we observe such different outcomes in military interventions, from Germany and Japan to Afghanistan and Iraq? Do efforts to export democracy help as much as they hurt? These are some of the most enduring questions of our time.

Historically, the United States has attempted to generate change in foreign countries by exporting liberal democratic institutions through military occupation and reconstruction. Despite these efforts, the record of U.S.-led reconstructions has been mixed, at best. For every West Germany or Japan, there is a Cuba, Haiti, Somalia, or Vietnam.

After War seeks to answer these critical foreign policy questions by bringing an economic mindset to a topic that has been traditionally tackled by historians, policymakers, and political scientists. Economics focuses on how incentives influence human action. Therefore, within an economic context, a successful reconstruction entails finding and establishing a set of incentives that makes citizens prefer a liberal democratic order. Coyne examines the mechanisms and institutions that contribute to the success of reconstruction programs by creating incentives for sustained cooperation.

Coyne emphasizes that the main threat to Western nations in the post-Cold War period will not come from a superpower, but rather from weak, failed, and conflict-torn states--and rogue groups within them. It is also critical to recognize that the dynamics at work--cultural, historical, and social--in these modern states are fundamentally different from those that the United States faced in the reconstructions of West Germany and Japan. As such, these historical cases of successful reconstruction are poor models for todays challenges. In Coynes view, policymakers and occupiers face an array of internal and external constraints in dealing with rogue states. These constraints are often greatest in the countries most in need of the political, economic, and social change. The irony is that these projects are least likely to succeed precisely where they are most needed.

Coyne offers two bold alternatives to reconstruction programs that could serve as catalysts for social change: principled non-intervention and unilateral free trade. Coyne points to major differences in these preferred approaches; whereas reconstruction projects involve a period of coerced military occupation, free trade-led reforms are voluntary. The book goes on to highlight the economic and cultural benefits of free trade.

While Coyne contends that a commitment to non-intervention and free trade may not lead to Western-style liberal democracies in conflict-torn countries, such a strategy could lay the groundwork for global peace.

レビュー

" A brilliant and timely contribution that should shift the debate on U.S. foreign policy and state-building. In providing new insights from economic theory on what can be expected in post-conflict situations, Coyne guides us toward attainable goals and interventions that have a better chance of success." -- Jack Goldstone, George Mason University

" "After War" adds a unique perspective on the United States' s ability to impose liberal democratic institutions abroad. In clear prose, Christopher Coyne combines the economic way of thinking with an appreciation of politics, history, culture, and social factors to expose why past efforts to export liberal democracy have failed and why we should be skeptical of future efforts." -- Emily Chamlee-Wright, Beloit College

" A brilliant and timely contribution that should shift the debate on U.S. foreign policy and state-building. In providing new insights from economic theory on what can be expected in post-conflict situations, Coyne guides us toward attainable goals and interventions that have a better chance of success. " -- Jack Goldstone, George Mason University

" After War adds a unique perspective on the United States ' s ability to impose liberal democratic institutions abroad. In clear prose, Christopher Coyne combines the economic way of thinking with an appreciation of politics, history, culture, and social factors to expose why past efforts to export liberal democracy have failed and why we should be skeptical of future efforts. " -- Emily Chamlee-Wright, Beloit College

""After War" adds a unique perspective on the United States's ability to impose liberal democratic institutions abroad. In clear prose, Christopher Coyne combines the economic way of thinking with an appreciation of politics, history, culture, and social factors to expose why past efforts to export liberal democracy have failed and why we should be skeptical of future efforts." --Emily Chamlee-Wright, Beloit College

""After War" supplies valuable historical context and offers new and vital perspectives on what is perhaps the major foreign policy and security challenge facing the United States and Europe at the start of the 21st century. It explains why the United States should never have intervened militarily in Afghanistan or Iraq and why it has no viable exit strategy other than unilateral withdrawal, leaving, as the Soviet Union did in 1989, a region awash in weaponry to be taken up by the next generation of insurgents, warlords, terrorists and other enemies of liberal democracy.'--"Public Choice"

"Prof Coyne is obviously a dove rather than a hawk. But he accepts the case for occasional intervention for humanitarian reasons or to protect US citizens. His main suggestions are to avoid nation-building types of intervention and adopt free trade, if necessary unilaterally by the US. It is perhaps "deformation professionelle" for economists to overrate the spillover benefits of the latter. But peace and welfare may depend on how far the next US president accepts the main lines of his analysis - a subject even more important than the current credit crunch." -"The Financial Times"

"Having recently had an opportunity to read "After War" . . . I've found myself trying out his application of economic principles to the analysis of armed conflicts, particularly in the case of America's current occupation of Iraq. This has proven especially useful.""The Economist: Free Exchange""

"Professor Coyne is obviously a dove rather than a hawk. But he accepts the case for occasional intervention for humanitarian reasons or to protect US citizens. His main suggestions are to avoid nation-building types of intervention and adopt free trade, if necessary unilaterally by the US. It is perhaps deformation professionelle for economists to overrate the spillover benefits of the latter. But peace and welfare may depend on how far the next US president accepts the main lines of his analysis--a subject even more important than the current credit crunch."--The Financial Times

"Having recently had an opportunity to read After War . . . I've found myself trying out his application of economic principles to the analysis of armed conflicts, particularly in the case of America's current occupation of Iraq. This has proven especially useful."--The Economist: Free Exchange

"I view the key analytical point as focusing on the power of on-the-ground expectations to make the reconstruction 'game' either a cooperative or combative one. This is a difficult variable to control, but Chris offers a very good look at the best and worst attempts that the United States has made to manipulate these variables and thus export democracy. If you want to know why the Solow model doesn't seem to hold for Bosnia, or a deeper more analytic sense of why Iraq has been a mess, this is the place to go."--Marginal Revolution

"[Coyne] believes forceful attacks against dictatorial regimes generally damage democracy. The recent invasion of Iraq is a prime example, he says in his new book After War . . . Most of this engaging new volume from Stanford University Press examines the economics and politics of present-day foreign policy . . . Liberal democracy cannot be exported in a consistent manner at gunpoint' is Coyne's central conclusion."--Charleston Gazette

"After War adds a unique perspective on the United States's ability to impose liberal democratic institutions abroad. In clear prose, Christopher Coyne combines the economic way of thinking with an appreciation of politics, history, culture, and social factors to expose why past efforts to export liberal democracy have failed and why we should be skeptical of future efforts."--Emily Chamlee-Wright "Beloit College "

"After War supplies valuable historical context and offers new and vital perspectives on what is perhaps the major foreign policy and security challenge facing the United States and Europe at the start of the 21st century. It explains why the United States should never have intervened militarily in Afghanistan or Iraq and why it has no viable exit strategy other than unilateral withdrawal, leaving, as the Soviet Union did in 1989, a region awash in weaponry to be taken up by the next generation of insurgents, warlords, terrorists and other enemies of liberal democracy."--Public Choice

"A brilliant and timely contribution that should shift the debate on U.S. foreign policy and state-building. In providing new insights from economic theory on what can be expected in post-conflict situations, Coyne guides us toward attainable goals and interventions that have a better chance of success."--Jack Goldstone "George Mason University "

"Coyne demonstrates convincingly that national reconstruction seldom succeeds, and he presents the essential economic concepts and principles that allow us to understand why it usually fails . . . Economists will gain enlightenment from Coyne's compact, well-documented presentation of a great variety of relevant facts from some of the leading cases of national reconstruction in which the US government has engaged during the past century."--The Review of Austrian Economics

-[Coyne] believes forceful attacks against dictatorial regimes generally damage democracy. The recent invasion of Iraq is a prime example, he says in his new book After War . . . Most of this engaging new volume from Stanford University Press examines the economics and politics of present-day foreign policy . . . Liberal democracy cannot be exported in a consistent manner at gunpoint' is Coyne's central conclusion.---Charleston Gazette

-After War adds a unique perspective on the United States's ability to impose liberal democratic institutions abroad. In clear prose, Christopher Coyne combines the economic way of thinking with an appreciation of politics, history, culture, and social factors to expose why past efforts to export liberal democracy have failed and why we should be skeptical of future efforts.---Emily Chamlee-Wright -Beloit College -

-Having recently had an opportunity to read After War . . . I've found myself trying out his application of economic principles to the analysis of armed conflicts, particularly in the case of America's current occupation of Iraq. This has proven especially useful.---The Economist: Free Exchange

-After War supplies valuable historical context and offers new and vital perspectives on what is perhaps the major foreign policy and security challenge facing the United States and Europe at the start of the 21st century. It explains why the United States should never have intervened militarily in Afghanistan or Iraq and why it has no viable exit strategy other than unilateral withdrawal, leaving, as the Soviet Union did in 1989, a region awash in weaponry to be taken up by the next generation of insurgents, warlords, terrorists and other enemies of liberal democracy.---Public Choice

-A brilliant and timely contribution that should shift the debate on U.S. foreign policy and state-building. In providing new insights from economic theory on what can be expected in post-conflict situations, Coyne guides us toward attainable goals and interventions that have a better chance of success.---Jack Goldstone -George Mason University -

-Coyne demonstrates convincingly that national reconstruction seldom succeeds, and he presents the essential economic concepts and principles that allow us to understand why it usually fails . . . Economists will gain enlightenment from Coyne's compact, well-documented presentation of a great variety of relevant facts from some of the leading cases of national reconstruction in which the US government has engaged during the past century.---The Review of Austrian Economics

-Professor Coyne is obviously a dove rather than a hawk. But he accepts the case for occasional intervention for humanitarian reasons or to protect US citizens. His main suggestions are to avoid nation-building types of intervention and adopt free trade, if necessary unilaterally by the US. It is perhaps deformation professionelle for economists to overrate the spillover benefits of the latter. But peace and welfare may depend on how far the next US president accepts the main lines of his analysis--a subject even more important than the current credit crunch.---The Financial Times

-I view the key analytical point as focusing on the power of on-the-ground expectations to make the reconstruction 'game' either a cooperative or combative one. This is a difficult variable to control, but Chris offers a very good look at the best and worst attempts that the United States has made to manipulate these variables and thus export democracy. If you want to know why the Solow model doesn't seem to hold for Bosnia, or a deeper more analytic sense of why Iraq has been a mess, this is the place to go.---Marginal Revolution

商品の説明をすべて表示する

登録情報

  • ペーパーバック: 238ページ
  • 出版社: Stanford University Press (2007/11/7)
  • 言語: 英語
  • ISBN-10: 0804754403
  • ISBN-13: 978-0804754408
  • 発売日: 2007/11/7
  • 商品パッケージの寸法: 15.2 x 1.5 x 22.9 cm
  • おすすめ度: この商品の最初のレビューを書き込んでください。
  • Amazon 売れ筋ランキング: 洋書 - 1,233,412位 (洋書の売れ筋ランキングを見る)
  • さらに安い価格について知らせる
    この商品を出品する場合、出品者サポートを通じて更新を提案したいですか?

  • 目次を見る

カスタマーレビュー

まだカスタマーレビューはありません。
星5つ
0
星4つ
0
星3つ
0
星2つ
0
星1つ
0
他のお客様にも意見を伝えましょう

Amazon.com で最も参考になったカスタマーレビュー

Amazon.com: 5つ星のうち4.7 12 件のカスタマーレビュー
5つ星のうち5.0Read This Book! Powerful insights for understanding why exporting liberal democracy is so hard.
2014年6月15日 - (Amazon.com)
Amazonで購入
2人のお客様がこれが役に立ったと考えています.
5つ星のうち5.0Logical and rationale analysis of why war is no longer the best way to create influence in foreign nations
2010年6月13日 - (Amazon.com)
Amazonで購入
5つ星のうち5.0Five Stars
2016年10月29日 - (Amazon.com)
Amazonで購入
5つ星のうち5.0Awesome read with an economic way of thinking.
2014年3月5日 - (Amazon.com)
Amazonで購入
6人のお客様がこれが役に立ったと考えています.
5つ星のうち3.0'Avoiding War' rather than 'After War'
2011年10月30日 - (Amazon.com)
Amazonで購入