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内容説明
Around the developing world, political leaders face a dilemma: the very information and communication technologies that boost economic fortunes also undermine power structures. Globally, one in ten internet users is a Muslim living in a populous Muslim community. In these countries, young people are developing their political identities--including a transnational Muslim identity--online. In countries where political parties are illegal, the internet is the only infrastructure for democratic discourse. In others, digital technologies such as mobile phones and the internet have given key actors an information infrastructure that is independent of the state. And in countries with large Muslim communities, mobile phones and the internet are helping civil society build systems of political communication independent of the state and beyond easy manipulation by cultural or religious elites. This book looks at the role that communications technologies play in advancing democratic transitions in Muslim countries. As such, its central question is whether technology holds the potential to substantially enhance democracy. Certainly, no democratic transition has occurred solely because of the internet. But, as Philip Howard argues, no democratic transition can occur today without the internet. According to Howard, the major (and perhaps only meaningful) forum for civic debate in most Muslim countries today is online. Activists both within diasporic communities and within authoritarian states, including Iran, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, are the drivers of this debate, which centers around issues such as the interpretation of Islamic texts, gender roles, and security issues. Drawing upon material from interviews with telecommunications policy makers and activists in Azerbaijan, Egypt, Tajikistan and Tanzania and a comparative study of 74 countries with large Muslim populations, Howard demonstrates that these forums have been the means to organize activist movements that have lead to successful democratic insurgencies.
著者について
Philip N. Howard is an associate professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Washington, with adjunct appointments at the Jackson School of International Studies and the Information School. His book New Media Campaigns and the Managed Citizen won the American Sociological Association's Communication and Information Technologies Section Best Book Award and the International Communication Association's Outstanding Book Award.
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4 人中、4人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
Thoughtful and thorough critique
2010/10/8
形式:ペーパーバック|Amazonが確認した購入
Howard adds considerable insight to the growing body of work on new media and democracy, shifting our attention toward the most undemocratic regimes, nascent democracies, and young polyarchies that aspire to earn the label "democracy" (a term really better used in theory than as a label for actual governments). Unlike so many authors, Howard avoids over-hyping new information technology and shows that it can be used ably by both those who would reform and those who would repress, though he can't help but notice that it has been used more often--and to greater effect--by the former. Again filling a gap in the literature, he focuses particularly on countries with large Muslim populations, and his analysis suggests that freedom of expression is a value and an impulse that exists across all cultures. He finds new media to be a tool of choice both for dissenters within repressive countries but also for diaspora communities and "governments in exile." (Note to dictators: Placing someone in exile is mostly just changing the ISP they use. Second note to dictators: Sorry, but many dissidents are now linking through connections outside your country, so, um, good luck with that.) Instead of naively claiming that Twitter will save us all, Howard simply points out that Facebook et al. will be a part of all democratic revolutions from this point forward. Social media, cellphones, and the like are as important as pamphlets in 1776 and posters in East Germany, but they have an unparalleled potential for circulating, organizing, and broadcasting dissent, both within countries and in the wider world.
In sum, it's a must-read for those who want to understand democratization in the digital age and political culture in Muslim countries and the developing world.
In sum, it's a must-read for those who want to understand democratization in the digital age and political culture in Muslim countries and the developing world.
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