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What are the causes of war? To answer this question, Professor Waltz examines the ideas of major thinkers throughout the history of Western civilization. He explores works both by classic political philosophers, such as St. Augustine, Hobbes, Kant, and Rousseau, and by modern psychologists and anthropologists to discover ideas intended to explain war among states and related prescriptions for peace.
Book Description
What are the causes of war? To answer this question, Professor Waltz examines the ideas of major thinkers throughout the history of Western civilization. He explores works both by classic political philosophers, such as St. Augustine, Hobbes, Kant, and Rousseau, and by modern psychologists and anthropologists to discover ideas intended to explain war among states and related prescriptions for peace.
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9 人中、7人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
形式:ペーパーバック
これはミクロ経済学を専攻していたＷａｌｔｚが、そのアナロジーを用いて国際政治学における戦争の原因を分析したものである。元来、国際政治学においては、政治的リーダーの個人的要因や国内的要因に戦争の原因が求められてきた。しかし、Ｗａｌｔｚはこれらの視点に国際的要因を加えることで、国際政治学をシステム的に分析しようとしたのである。後の国際政治学における大偉業であるＴｈｅｏｒｙ ｏｆ Ｉｎｔｅｒｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ Ｐｏｌｉｔｉｃｓにつながる著作ではあるが、ＴＩＰのように国際システム的要因にのみ重点を置いていないのが特徴である。だが、この国際政治学における革新的な研究が、後のネオリアリズム構築という大偉業につながるのであるから、かなり重要な文献であることに変わりはない。国際政治学の基本理解にも役立つので、様々な意味で重要性を含む文献である。
Amazon.com で最も参考になったカスタマーレビュー (beta)
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16 人中、15人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
The foundations of Neorealism are found with Waltz
1998/3/14
形式:ペーパーバック
Written as a doctoral thesis some 45 years ago, Kenneth Waltz's MAN, THE STATE AND WAR continues to be a staple in the field of international relations theory. Waltz's groundbreaking piece is a thorough analysis of the difficulties associated with the war-peace continuum. Through his exhaustive research of some noted theorists such as Thucydides, Morgenthau and others, Waltz articulates the need to look beyond the individual and state level causes of war, and look to the system for the answers. MAN, THE STATE AND WAR continues the tradition of realism through its emphasis of a state centric system and by analysing the field of international politics through power arrangements. Where Waltz goes beyond the classical realist is through his assertion of the importance of systemic influences in international politics. His later work, THEORY OF INTRENATIONAL POLITICS is a much more indepth analysis into the need for a structural theory of politics, however this piece lays the groundwork for all other material. For students of international politics, or for those who are interested in deeper questions as to why world politics sometimes does not seem to make much sense, Waltz will provide you with some answers in an articulate and interesting fashion. Despite its relative age, it still bears reading today.
26 人中、22人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
If you want to know how the world works, this book is it
1998/7/15
形式:ペーパーバック
Kenneth Waltz's book is the best book that I have ever read. I have an extensive collection of books about international relations and political theory and thus far, this book is the best in its field. If you ever wandered why the United States (a democracy) and/or Iraq (an authoritarian state) act the way they do in the international system, this book will be very useful. Waltz introduces people to the "levels of analysis," a theoretical concept in international relations that describes why countries act the way they do in an international system that is considered to be "anarchic" and in a "state of war." In short, the three levels are: 1) the individual, 2) the nation-state, and 3) the international system. He goes into each levels to see which one of these is the best level that explains why countries (democracies and authoritarian) go to war. To understand why countries go to war, do we need to look at the persons that are in pow! ! er, do we look at the nation-state and its political, historical, and social formation, or do we need to look at the international system? Read and find out! You'll be surprised! The best quote (paraphrase) from this book (which are many) is one that says to the effect: "There is no such thing as total victory [in war], only different levels of defeat." In other words, for example, a country or a coalition of countries may win a war, but this victory is temporary (in space and time) until the next confrontation. The problems between the United States and Iraq comes into mind. Again, this is the best book in this field for anyone interested in political science/international relations and for those who are interested in a very good and enlightening read. Let me know what you think.
11 人中、10人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
Still worth reading after all these years
2007/6/16
形式:ペーパーバック
This book has legs! I read it first in graduate school in 1969. I was impressed with the argument then, and still appreciate its power now. He identifies a key problem as (page 12) "identifying and achieving the conditions of peace. . ." He notes that, over time, three separate views have dominated discourse on the causes of war (and how to achieve peace): (a) human nature is the root cause; (b) the structure of states is the key factor; (c) the international system itself is the major variable.
The book proceeds in a linear fashion. First, he examines the variety of arguments locating the cause of war in human nature. However, he also notes that to link human nature to war is not easily done (there is, of course, much debate over exactly what human nature is--or even if there is such a given nature), and that political matters must be taken into account. As he considers the contributions of the behavioral sciences, he notes that (page 79) "The more fully behavioral scientists take account of politics, the more sensible and the more modest their efforts to contribute to peace become."
The second level of analysis is the structure of states themselves. He notes that some have argued that if the state had a proper structure, then peace would result. He considers, for instance, liberal theorists of the 19th century who made that point. One problem: While trying to create more liberal states, what about those illiberal ones who may engage in conflict? What then? The structure of the state won't prevent self-defense. Indeed, some liberals, like Thomas Paine, wanted to use force to democratize the world.
The final level of analysis is the structure of the international system itself. The main point here is that that system can be termed "anarchy." There is no central force to prevent outbreaks of violence. So, violence will occur. Interestingly, he begins the chapter on international anarchy with a quotation from Cicero (page 159) "For what can be done against force without force." States need to protect themselves when there is no mechanism to maintain peace; they will act in their national interest when threatened. The end result is the possibility of war whenever a country might be threatened. In Waltz' words (page 227): "According to the third image, there is a constant possibility of war in a world in which there are two or more states each seeking to promote a set of interests and having no agency upon which they can rely for protection."
In short, all three levels (images) must be understood. None is irrelevant. But the key to understanding war is the state of international anarchy. The book holds up well over time. It still presents a useful message, albeit from the hard-nosed realist position. Neocons won't like the argument that changing the structure of states won't make a lot of difference as long as there is international anarchy. Anyhow, for those interested in a fairly hard-headed analysis, this book still serves a useful purpose.
The book proceeds in a linear fashion. First, he examines the variety of arguments locating the cause of war in human nature. However, he also notes that to link human nature to war is not easily done (there is, of course, much debate over exactly what human nature is--or even if there is such a given nature), and that political matters must be taken into account. As he considers the contributions of the behavioral sciences, he notes that (page 79) "The more fully behavioral scientists take account of politics, the more sensible and the more modest their efforts to contribute to peace become."
The second level of analysis is the structure of states themselves. He notes that some have argued that if the state had a proper structure, then peace would result. He considers, for instance, liberal theorists of the 19th century who made that point. One problem: While trying to create more liberal states, what about those illiberal ones who may engage in conflict? What then? The structure of the state won't prevent self-defense. Indeed, some liberals, like Thomas Paine, wanted to use force to democratize the world.
The final level of analysis is the structure of the international system itself. The main point here is that that system can be termed "anarchy." There is no central force to prevent outbreaks of violence. So, violence will occur. Interestingly, he begins the chapter on international anarchy with a quotation from Cicero (page 159) "For what can be done against force without force." States need to protect themselves when there is no mechanism to maintain peace; they will act in their national interest when threatened. The end result is the possibility of war whenever a country might be threatened. In Waltz' words (page 227): "According to the third image, there is a constant possibility of war in a world in which there are two or more states each seeking to promote a set of interests and having no agency upon which they can rely for protection."
In short, all three levels (images) must be understood. None is irrelevant. But the key to understanding war is the state of international anarchy. The book holds up well over time. It still presents a useful message, albeit from the hard-nosed realist position. Neocons won't like the argument that changing the structure of states won't make a lot of difference as long as there is international anarchy. Anyhow, for those interested in a fairly hard-headed analysis, this book still serves a useful purpose.
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