It is indisputable that Jews are represented far beyond their average population in the media and in Hollywood. It would be a terrible mistake to conclude that this means that they control the content, or worse that they use this power to intentionally attack Christian values or stereotype blacks.
In fact the Jews in America are anything but united. Outsiders may see a single Jewish community but this is a common ethnocentric error. Jewish power in American politics is not the result of conspiracy, but the result of demographics and using their basic American rights.
Jews are twice as likely to vote as the average population. That alone doubles their impact but still leaves them a small minority of the voters. They are also far more likely to fund their candidates and political causes, and to actively volunteer their time. But most importantly the Jews in America are concentrated in the eight states that account for almost half of the electoral votes.
Goldberg points out how this very real power is felt in elections and in domestic and foreign policy, but also that it is not centrally controlled. It is ironic to note that aid to Israel increased far more under Republican presidents than Democrats even though the American Jews have been far more identified with the left and the Democrats (within a widely varying degree).
The book contributes valuable insight into the dynamic between the Blacks and the Jews in America, and the changing relationship with Israel as the Jewish nation develops both more independence and their own internal frictions.
"Jewish Power" ties statistics and data together with the author's perceptions and insights to give it real meaning and value. It is an excellent explanation of why such a small group has such influence. But more importantly Goldberg explains it is not from any conspiracy or secret agenda; it is from a profound respect for freedom and the American political institutions.
However, Goldberg's conclusion -- that American Jews should align themselves with other coalitions on the liberal left in order to increase their combined influence -- is unfortunate. In fact what his survey demonstrates is that theologically liberal Judaism in the U.S. has dangerously allied itself with the growth of statism in the alleged name of compassion.
Goldberg's survey pays little attention to politically conservative forces within American Jewry, and with perhaps some justification given the purpose of this book: by far the vast majority of theologically liberal Jews in the U.S. are politically "liberal" as well. But it is too bad that Goldberg does not follow up on one of his own most telling insights: that leftist political affiliation among Jews cannot be entirely due to the influence of Jewish tradition, because more traditionally-minded Jews also tend to be more politically conservative. (And for good reason; Jewish tradition is far less trusting of State power than many liberal Jews seem to be aware.)
For a more rounded view, read this book in conjunction with, say, David Horowitz's _The Politics of Bad Faith_. Then follow up on Horowitz's own sources and look into the economics of the free market -- beginning with the works of Ludwig von Mises, whom Horowitz cites favorably, and passing on to other works by e.g. Murray Rothbard and Israel Kirzner.
Goldberg's historical survey of liberal Judaism's attachment to liberal politics is enlightening and informative, but his advice to the political left is a recipe for bad government. It is perhaps too much to expect a journalistic survey to be ordered and informed by sound economic and political principles, but such principles are required if the true importance of this book is to be appreciated. The welfare-warfare state is _not_ the royal road to justice and compassion.