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How can the poorer countries of the world be helped to help themselves through freer, fairer trade? In this challenging and controversial book Nobel prize-winning economist Joseph E. Stiglitz and his co-author Andrew Charlton address one of the key issues facing world leaders today. They put forward a radical and realistic new model for managing trading relationships between the richest and the poorest countries. Their approach is designed to open up markets in the interests of all and not just the most powerful economies, to ensure that trade promotes development, and to minimise the costs of adjustments. Beginning with a brief history of the World Trade Organisation and its agreements, the authors explore the issues and events which led to the failure of Cancun and the obstacles that face the successful completion of the Doha Round of negotiations. Finally they spell out the reforms and principles upon which a successful agreement must be based. Accessibly written and packed full of empirical evidence and analysis, this book is a must read for anyone interested in world trade and development.
From Publishers Weekly
Nobel Prize-winning economist and ex-World Bank official Stiglitz is the leading mainstream critic of the free-trade, free-market "Washington Consensus" for developing countries. In this follow-up to his best-selling Globalization and its Discontents, he and Charlton, a development expert, present their vision of a liberalized global trade regime that is carefully geared to the interests of poorer countries. They recap a critique, much of it based on Stiglitz's academic work, of orthodox trade theories, noting the real-world constraints and complications that undermine the assumption that unregulated free trade is always a boon, and analyze the bias towards developed countries in previous trade agreements. They call for the current round of trade negotiations to refocus on principles of equity and social justice that accord developing countries "special and differential treatment." The authors present detailed policy prescriptions, including measures to open developed countries to developing countries' exports of textiles and farm products and to ease the temporary migration of workers between countries; their most far-reaching proposal is a scheme to open every country to goods from any other country whose economy is smaller and poorer than its own. The authors' treatise is readable, but rather dry and technical and sometimes politically naive, particularly in glossing over the problem of workers in developed economies whose jobs are threatened by trade with developing countries. The book isn't quite right for a general audience, but it has a sophisticated, wide-ranging discussion of world trade, intriguing new ideas and the Stiglitz byline, so those already interested in trade issues will consider it a must-read.
Copyright Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. --このテキストは、 ハードカバー 版に関連付けられています。
Copyright Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. --このテキストは、 ハードカバー 版に関連付けられています。
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カスタマーレビュー
最も参考になったカスタマーレビュー
22 人中、21人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
形式:ハードカバー
本書は日本でも話題になった『世界を不幸にしたグローバリズムの正体』の続編といっていい内容だが、前著が通貨危機国に対するIMFの経済介入に対する批判が主なものだったのに対して、本書ではWTOと自由貿易の問題点に焦点が当てられている。
なぜこれまで自由貿易が途上国に利益をもたらさなかったのか。一言で言えば、WTOに代表される世界の自由貿易体制が圧倒的発言力を持つ先進国によりゆがめられ、途上国に過度の負担を強いるものになっていたからだ。「自国農業の保護」という名目から、途上国の主要輸出物である一次産品への比較的高い関税率が容認される一方、途上国からの非熟練労働力の受け入れには注意が払われず、そのかわり知的財産権や海外投資家の権利の保護といった先進国の企業に利害に関わる問題が優先的に議論され続けた。その結果、途上国間ではWTOのルールに対する不信感が広がり、途上国にとって先進国との貿易と同じくらい大きなウェートを占める途上国間の貿易では関税を引き下げたり貿易規模を拡大する努力がほとんどなされなかった。これでは、途上国が自由貿易による利益を得られなくても当たり前だ。
そういう現状認識を踏まえて本書は、自由な貿易はそれを支える公正なルール作りによって初めて可能になるのであり、そのフェアな合意の形成のために途上国・先進国が一緒になって知恵を絞るべきだ、という極めて正攻法のメッセージを前面に打ち出している。
確かにグローバリズムの進行は、世界中における富の偏在をますます拡大しているように見え、そのことがいわゆる「反グローバリズム」の思想に一定の説得力を与えている。しかし、グローバリズムの流れの中で現実を少しでも望ましい方向に変えていくためには、本書のような正攻法の姿勢が最も必要とされているといっていいだろう。
なぜこれまで自由貿易が途上国に利益をもたらさなかったのか。一言で言えば、WTOに代表される世界の自由貿易体制が圧倒的発言力を持つ先進国によりゆがめられ、途上国に過度の負担を強いるものになっていたからだ。「自国農業の保護」という名目から、途上国の主要輸出物である一次産品への比較的高い関税率が容認される一方、途上国からの非熟練労働力の受け入れには注意が払われず、そのかわり知的財産権や海外投資家の権利の保護といった先進国の企業に利害に関わる問題が優先的に議論され続けた。その結果、途上国間ではWTOのルールに対する不信感が広がり、途上国にとって先進国との貿易と同じくらい大きなウェートを占める途上国間の貿易では関税を引き下げたり貿易規模を拡大する努力がほとんどなされなかった。これでは、途上国が自由貿易による利益を得られなくても当たり前だ。
そういう現状認識を踏まえて本書は、自由な貿易はそれを支える公正なルール作りによって初めて可能になるのであり、そのフェアな合意の形成のために途上国・先進国が一緒になって知恵を絞るべきだ、という極めて正攻法のメッセージを前面に打ち出している。
確かにグローバリズムの進行は、世界中における富の偏在をますます拡大しているように見え、そのことがいわゆる「反グローバリズム」の思想に一定の説得力を与えている。しかし、グローバリズムの流れの中で現実を少しでも望ましい方向に変えていくためには、本書のような正攻法の姿勢が最も必要とされているといっていいだろう。
Amazon.com で最も参考になったカスタマーレビュー (beta)
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9件のカスタマーレビュー
14 人中、13人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
Must read for those interested in Fair Trade
2006/3/18
形式:ハードカバー
Generally I think it is another great book from Stiglitz. The MakePovertyHistory campaign, Bono, Bob Geldof and their Live8 concerts has shined a bright light on trade justice.
The World Trade organisation literally has the livelihoods of billions of people in its hands. This book shows how the trading relationships between rich and poor countries have become so unfair that the rich countries are creating more poverty. Free trade does not automatically lead to poverty eradication or environmental sustainability. In fact, if done wrong, it can increase poverty and cause harm to countries at different stages of development.
If you want to understand the issues behind fair trade and the problems facing people in poor countries, this is an excellent place to start.
The World Trade organisation literally has the livelihoods of billions of people in its hands. This book shows how the trading relationships between rich and poor countries have become so unfair that the rich countries are creating more poverty. Free trade does not automatically lead to poverty eradication or environmental sustainability. In fact, if done wrong, it can increase poverty and cause harm to countries at different stages of development.
If you want to understand the issues behind fair trade and the problems facing people in poor countries, this is an excellent place to start.
12 人中、11人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
A radical new trade model
2006/7/13
形式:ハードカバー
The authors state rightly that trade policies should be designed to raise living standards and to integrate developing countries into the world trading system. Global poverty (more than 2 billion people live on less than a dollar a day) is the world's most pressing problem.
They say rightly that the developed countries have to date received the lion's share of the benefits from previous trade negotiations. Those ought to do more for the developing countries. The adage should be `help-my-neighbor', nor `beggar-my neighbor'. Right should persevere over might.
Therefore they want to put a radical new trade model on the table of the Doha Round: the Market Access Proposal (MAP). Their model is simple and straight:
All developing countries can have free access to all markets with (1) a larger GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and (2) a larger GDP per capita.
Besides MAP, they give also recommendations for the upcoming trade negotiations, of which many will be extremely difficult to realize, even partly: liberation of labor markets and unskilled services, promotion of labor mobility (immigration), elimination of agricultural subsidies, no technical provisions (like rules of origin), no export subsidies, no tariffs, no non-tariff barriers (dumping duties), no currency exchange manipulations, no arms sales, no briberies, pro-generic drug policies, elimination of secret bank accounts.
They also want better access to financial means for developing countries, institutional reforms (a less costly accession mechanism) and a new international trade tribunal.
By the way, trade negotiations should be about trade, not about intellectual property rights.
Generally, they ask for more democratic media, which are actually controlled by a few rich conglomerates.
Any trade agreement that differentially hurts developing countries more or benefits the developed countries more should be considered as unfair.
J. Stiglitz and A. Charlton have written a most necessary book. The implementation of their simple and radical proposition should constitute a big leap forward for the developing countries and concomitantly for global international trade.
This book is a must read for all participants of trade negotiations and for all those interested in the future of mankind.
N.B. For a viewpoint of the South I recommend Walden Bello's `Dilemmas of Domination'.
They say rightly that the developed countries have to date received the lion's share of the benefits from previous trade negotiations. Those ought to do more for the developing countries. The adage should be `help-my-neighbor', nor `beggar-my neighbor'. Right should persevere over might.
Therefore they want to put a radical new trade model on the table of the Doha Round: the Market Access Proposal (MAP). Their model is simple and straight:
All developing countries can have free access to all markets with (1) a larger GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and (2) a larger GDP per capita.
Besides MAP, they give also recommendations for the upcoming trade negotiations, of which many will be extremely difficult to realize, even partly: liberation of labor markets and unskilled services, promotion of labor mobility (immigration), elimination of agricultural subsidies, no technical provisions (like rules of origin), no export subsidies, no tariffs, no non-tariff barriers (dumping duties), no currency exchange manipulations, no arms sales, no briberies, pro-generic drug policies, elimination of secret bank accounts.
They also want better access to financial means for developing countries, institutional reforms (a less costly accession mechanism) and a new international trade tribunal.
By the way, trade negotiations should be about trade, not about intellectual property rights.
Generally, they ask for more democratic media, which are actually controlled by a few rich conglomerates.
Any trade agreement that differentially hurts developing countries more or benefits the developed countries more should be considered as unfair.
J. Stiglitz and A. Charlton have written a most necessary book. The implementation of their simple and radical proposition should constitute a big leap forward for the developing countries and concomitantly for global international trade.
This book is a must read for all participants of trade negotiations and for all those interested in the future of mankind.
N.B. For a viewpoint of the South I recommend Walden Bello's `Dilemmas of Domination'.
12 人中、11人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
One of the better critiques of complete free trade
2006/7/23
形式:ハードカバー
Stiglitz is certainly a critic of the free trade ideology but his arguments are much more intellectually robust than I see from either the economic nationalists like Lou Dobbs or the anti-globalization movement (and those two are distinct among themselves). He doesn't favor developed world protectionism, and actually makes a few strong points against it. However his proposals do respond to some of the claims of the anti-globalization movement even if he doesn't accept their quasi-Marxist outlook in total.
Stiglitz favors global trade agreements and infrastructure but he would change the rules. Basically he suggests a regimen where wealthier countries (measured either by GDP in the aggregate or per capita) would give preferential access (i.e. little or no trade barriers) to poorer nations. Thus India would get access to the U.S. market without reciprocating on American products but India would have to give access to Uganda without getting equal treatment in return. The poorer nations would have more leeway to employ subsidies and tariffs and have longer transition periods to liberalization but the long run goal would still be fewer barriers to trade.
Stiglitz makes a very strong case that even if one accepts that trade barriers are a bad idea, the developed and less developed nations aren't on a level playing field when it comes to arbitrating trade disputes, simply because of size.
He also suggests intellectual property issues and a common set of investment rules should not be part of global trade governance. Those are interesting points of view, certainly intellectual property enforcement is spotty in the third world already. He suggests that if investment agreements are wise for developing countries they will implement them on their own. He gets a little vague on this point because he suggests that labor and environmental standards should be WTO functions if investment rules are, which makes one wonder if really believes investment rules should be in or out. On the flip side, he also thinks allegations of currency manipulation should not be part of the agenda.
The dogmatic free traders like Milton Friedman contend there is never any net benefit to protectionism; Stiglitz obviously departs from this point of view in that he selectively endorses it for developing countries. It is hard to argue with much of his logic, I just wonder if the developed world would act as altruistically as he suggests they should. The reluctance of the larger economies to part with farm subsidies is an obvious obstacle, on the other hand what he suggests is already the case in manufactured goods.
Stiglitz deserves credit for moving beyond the simplistic and often disingenuous claims from the developed world who are just engaging in rent-seeking behavior. His proposals would involve governments in aiding people who are genuinely less well off rather than coddling inefficient industries in the developed world.
Stiglitz favors global trade agreements and infrastructure but he would change the rules. Basically he suggests a regimen where wealthier countries (measured either by GDP in the aggregate or per capita) would give preferential access (i.e. little or no trade barriers) to poorer nations. Thus India would get access to the U.S. market without reciprocating on American products but India would have to give access to Uganda without getting equal treatment in return. The poorer nations would have more leeway to employ subsidies and tariffs and have longer transition periods to liberalization but the long run goal would still be fewer barriers to trade.
Stiglitz makes a very strong case that even if one accepts that trade barriers are a bad idea, the developed and less developed nations aren't on a level playing field when it comes to arbitrating trade disputes, simply because of size.
He also suggests intellectual property issues and a common set of investment rules should not be part of global trade governance. Those are interesting points of view, certainly intellectual property enforcement is spotty in the third world already. He suggests that if investment agreements are wise for developing countries they will implement them on their own. He gets a little vague on this point because he suggests that labor and environmental standards should be WTO functions if investment rules are, which makes one wonder if really believes investment rules should be in or out. On the flip side, he also thinks allegations of currency manipulation should not be part of the agenda.
The dogmatic free traders like Milton Friedman contend there is never any net benefit to protectionism; Stiglitz obviously departs from this point of view in that he selectively endorses it for developing countries. It is hard to argue with much of his logic, I just wonder if the developed world would act as altruistically as he suggests they should. The reluctance of the larger economies to part with farm subsidies is an obvious obstacle, on the other hand what he suggests is already the case in manufactured goods.
Stiglitz deserves credit for moving beyond the simplistic and often disingenuous claims from the developed world who are just engaging in rent-seeking behavior. His proposals would involve governments in aiding people who are genuinely less well off rather than coddling inefficient industries in the developed world.
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