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It is a rare professor who greatly alters the thinking of his professional colleagues. It's an even rarer one who helps transform the world. Friedman has done both." - Stephen Chapman, Chicago Tribune How can we benefit from the promise of government while avoiding the threat it poses to individual freedom? In his classic book, Capitalism and Freedom, Milton Friedman presents his view of the proper role of competitive capitalism - the organization of the bulk of economic activity through private enterprise operating in a free market - as both a device for achieving economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom. He also outlines the role that government should play in a society dedicated to freedom and relying primarily on the market to organize economic activity. Friedman begins with a discussion of the principles of a truly liberal society. He then applies those principles to a range of pressing problems, including monetary policy, discrimination, education, income distribution, welfare, and poverty. The result is a book that has sold well over half a million copies in English, has been translated into eighteen languages, and has become increasingly influential in recent years as more and more governments have moved from highly planned economies to embrace free market economics.
著者について
Milton Friedman is a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and the Paul Snowden Distinguished Service Professor Emeritus of Economics at the University of Chicago. In 1976 he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics. He has written a number of books, including two with his wife, Rose D. Friedman - the bestselling Free to Choose and Two Lucky People: Memoirs, the latter published by the University of Chicago Press.
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最も参考になったカスタマーレビュー
10 人中、9人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
形式:ペーパーバック
ノーベル経済学者Milton Friedmanが1962年に記した「資本主義と自由」は経済の専門書と言うより彼の信念の主張である。自由人にとって国家とは個人の自由を守るための仕組みでありそれ以上の何物でもない。政治的自由、そしてその前提となる経済的自由は競争資本主義の下で可能になる。政府の機能は個人の自由にとって脅威とならないためにも必要最低限に限定されなければならない。それは、自由経済の枠組みとなる安定的な金融政策であり、技術的独占や近隣効果のために政府が介入することが必要と考えられるものに限られるべきである、と言った主旨である。当時の米国における様々な政治経済的課題に、一見一方的な議論を仕掛ける著者は、読者に既存体制に潜む潜在的問題への認識を喚起する。変動為替制への移行、関税・輸入規制の撤廃から、法人レベルでの課税撤廃、所得税の定率化、教育や社会保障分野への競争原理の導入など、彼の主張は実現されているものもあれば、現在でも政治の争点となっているものもある。一貫しているのは、経済活動は複雑な相関関係を持つため意図的に管理することは難しく、競争資本主義の下で「見えざる手」に委ねるのが最も合理的であり、それが個人の自由の確保に寄与するという考え方である。自己増殖的な政府機能の肥大化により、特定の利益団体に仕える族議員による政治が一般市民の利益を侵害するリスクや、善意的な平等主義的政策が結果の平等を追求することが、公平な待遇や個人の自由を損ねるリスクに警笛を鳴らす。チリの軍事政権や中国政府との関係（資本主義経済導入のアドバイス活動）から批判を受けることもある著者だが、本書を読めば活動の背景にある信念を知ることができる。
3 人中、3人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
形式:ペーパーバック
自由に対する脅威を回避するために(i)政府の活動範囲の制限(ii)権力の分散が必要とし、経済的自由と政治的自由のための必要条件として資本主義の役割を考察していく。自由を最高の目的としたときに政府が果たせる役割も述べる。
著者は自身の立場を自由主義と名付ける。福祉や平等に邁進する立場と本来の自由主義とを混同してほしくないというスタンスだ。古い自由主義の復権を目指していると言えよう。
一章では経済的自由がなければ政治的自由はないこと、そこから敷衍して分権にあたっての経済の重要性を述べる。
二章では政府の機能は明確に限定（近隣効果の縮小・独占の解決など）されるべきことを述べる。首尾一貫した自由主義者は無政府主義者ではないと強調する。
また抽象的な議論にとどまることなく、自由な市場を利用するいろいろなアイデアが示される。
挙げていってみよう。k％ルール、関税や輸出入規制の撤廃、自由変動為替相場制、乗数効果への批判、教育バウチャー、公正雇用慣行立法や勤労権法を正当化する議論への批判、企業と労働組合の「社会的責任」は株主もしくは組合員の利益に奉仕すること、既得権を保証する免許ではなく競争を促進する認定制度がよいこと、フラットな税や負の所得税。どれもこれも２１世紀になったらおなじみの話だが、実際にやられているところはあまりない。
本人曰く「選択の自由」よりよく書けたとのことなので、市場否定派の人も肯定派の人も目を通してはどうだろうか。議論に負けたことがない（スーパーディベーターだったみたい！）という噂はさすがと唸ることだろう。
著者は自身の立場を自由主義と名付ける。福祉や平等に邁進する立場と本来の自由主義とを混同してほしくないというスタンスだ。古い自由主義の復権を目指していると言えよう。
一章では経済的自由がなければ政治的自由はないこと、そこから敷衍して分権にあたっての経済の重要性を述べる。
二章では政府の機能は明確に限定（近隣効果の縮小・独占の解決など）されるべきことを述べる。首尾一貫した自由主義者は無政府主義者ではないと強調する。
また抽象的な議論にとどまることなく、自由な市場を利用するいろいろなアイデアが示される。
挙げていってみよう。k％ルール、関税や輸出入規制の撤廃、自由変動為替相場制、乗数効果への批判、教育バウチャー、公正雇用慣行立法や勤労権法を正当化する議論への批判、企業と労働組合の「社会的責任」は株主もしくは組合員の利益に奉仕すること、既得権を保証する免許ではなく競争を促進する認定制度がよいこと、フラットな税や負の所得税。どれもこれも２１世紀になったらおなじみの話だが、実際にやられているところはあまりない。
本人曰く「選択の自由」よりよく書けたとのことなので、市場否定派の人も肯定派の人も目を通してはどうだろうか。議論に負けたことがない（スーパーディベーターだったみたい！）という噂はさすがと唸ることだろう。
Amazon.com で最も参考になったカスタマーレビュー (beta)
Amazon.com:
111件のカスタマーレビュー
152 人中、130人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
CLASSIC ECONOMICS, FRIEDMAN'S BEST
2004/8/14
形式:ペーパーバック|Amazonが確認した購入
Milton Friedman is one fo the strongest proponents of freedom in society as the only way towards development (a concept later expanded by Amartya Sen). This book is not an economics textbook, since he does not spend much time on the basic concepts of economics such as price theory. He assumes a bit of knowledge and uses it to make the case for many different economic ideas ranging from macroeconomics (monetarism) to microeconomics (school vouchers).
For a book that was written in the 60s, it is amazing how current his ideas remain. It is perhaps the most important book on the libertarian philosophy, focusing on preventing the accumulation of power by any individual or group of individuals in society.
Overall, it is a great read for someone familiar with economics and social sciences, it will definitely expand your horizons of thought. However, if you are looking for an introduction to interesting eocnomic ideas, I would suggest you read Free to Choose, which Friedman wrote a dozen years later to reach a more general audience.
For a book that was written in the 60s, it is amazing how current his ideas remain. It is perhaps the most important book on the libertarian philosophy, focusing on preventing the accumulation of power by any individual or group of individuals in society.
Overall, it is a great read for someone familiar with economics and social sciences, it will definitely expand your horizons of thought. However, if you are looking for an introduction to interesting eocnomic ideas, I would suggest you read Free to Choose, which Friedman wrote a dozen years later to reach a more general audience.
20 人中、19人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
Simply a great read.
2010/3/3
形式:ペーパーバック
I bought this book because I understood that Milton Friedman was a leader in (classical) liberal (meaning libertarian) economic thinking. Now I see why. Pure genius. This book appears to be written to the general public, although I must say that if are a complete stranger to economics certain parts of this book may confound you. I am a beginning student of economics, and only 2 paragraphs were out of my grasp. It's true, some of this book was a little dry, but those sections were short. The scope of the book is surprisingly wide for it's size (202 pages in this edition)-yet it's level of detail is satisfying.
Friedman's arguments were compelling and well constructed.
If you are a progressive, (modern) liberal, socialist, statist, marxist (or whatever else) and want to know what free-trade libertarians believe-this is to book for you.
If you are an economic conservative or a libertarian (as I am) and you want to read a great book that will make you smile-this is the book for you.
Overall a fantastic book.
Friedman's arguments were compelling and well constructed.
If you are a progressive, (modern) liberal, socialist, statist, marxist (or whatever else) and want to know what free-trade libertarians believe-this is to book for you.
If you are an economic conservative or a libertarian (as I am) and you want to read a great book that will make you smile-this is the book for you.
Overall a fantastic book.
37 人中、32人の方が、｢このレビューが参考になった｣と投票しています。
Classic Liberalism at its best
2006/6/24
形式:ペーパーバック
An all-time favorite of mine, Capitalism & Freedom creates a framework of classic liberalism and argues forcefully in favor of free-markets and decentralization over the expansion of government involvement in economic and social affairs. Friedman builds his argument from the ground up by identifying coercion as the State's distinguishing feature over all other societal organizations. From the (classic) liberal's perspective, this aspect shapes the relationship between citizen and government, and strictly limits the appropriateness of State involvement in society, particularly with regard to well-intentioned programs and policy.
Friedman uses this foundation to build a case for limited government in economic matters, citing in particular the consequences of monetary and fiscal policy abuse. In an exceptionally apt comparison, Friedman argues that the same rationale that limits government interference with free speech should likewise apply to government interference in the economy: namely, that constraints be applied to monetary and fiscal policy to limit the potential for government to do harm in its pursuit of doing good. Friedman gives numerous examples in which government officials, exercising carte-blanche economic authority, have further aggravated economic crises by applying a case-by-case standardh to different economic scenarios.
Having clearly laid out his political philosophy, Friedman builds his case for free-markets, detailing control measures intrinsic of a laissez-faire economy. From floating exchange rates to voucher-funded schooling, union contracts to charity, Friedman argues that the free-market harnesses the productive potential of millions of individuals and corporations, reconciling their preferences in a competitive process far more efficiently than any collective body. Throughout the book, Friedman debunks popular myths, disputes misunderstandings, and challenges the conventional wisdom prevalent among intellectuals and social elites of his day and ours.
The book's only drawback is its age and somewhat antiquated writing style that would certainly make it difficult for some readers to fully understand (particularly those who are victims of public school "education"). Friedman references several examples that would have been more easily recognized in the 1960s, but will not be immediately familiar to younger readers. Still, this brilliant work presents the core principles of laissez-faire capitalism and classic liberalism in a relatively clear manner, and is a must-read for anyone studying the dynamics of free-markets and free societies.
Friedman uses this foundation to build a case for limited government in economic matters, citing in particular the consequences of monetary and fiscal policy abuse. In an exceptionally apt comparison, Friedman argues that the same rationale that limits government interference with free speech should likewise apply to government interference in the economy: namely, that constraints be applied to monetary and fiscal policy to limit the potential for government to do harm in its pursuit of doing good. Friedman gives numerous examples in which government officials, exercising carte-blanche economic authority, have further aggravated economic crises by applying a case-by-case standardh to different economic scenarios.
Having clearly laid out his political philosophy, Friedman builds his case for free-markets, detailing control measures intrinsic of a laissez-faire economy. From floating exchange rates to voucher-funded schooling, union contracts to charity, Friedman argues that the free-market harnesses the productive potential of millions of individuals and corporations, reconciling their preferences in a competitive process far more efficiently than any collective body. Throughout the book, Friedman debunks popular myths, disputes misunderstandings, and challenges the conventional wisdom prevalent among intellectuals and social elites of his day and ours.
The book's only drawback is its age and somewhat antiquated writing style that would certainly make it difficult for some readers to fully understand (particularly those who are victims of public school "education"). Friedman references several examples that would have been more easily recognized in the 1960s, but will not be immediately familiar to younger readers. Still, this brilliant work presents the core principles of laissez-faire capitalism and classic liberalism in a relatively clear manner, and is a must-read for anyone studying the dynamics of free-markets and free societies.
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